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Diplomacy and tact vital ingredients for an effective Foreign Ministry

Retired Additional Foreign Secretary, Former European Union Ambassador, Nanda Godage talks about the flaws in the Foreign Ministry and what the government needs to do to regain lost reputation

Q. in your opinion, how should foreign affairs be approached by the Government of Sri Lanka?

A. A new approach to the management of our foreign relations is the most important and imperative need of the times. After almost three years, I am certain that the government cannot be happy with the state of our relations with the rest of the world. The foreign policy of any country is, in the first instance, intended to ensure its security and protect its sovereignty and after that, to further the development of the country. In the past three years, it is no secret that we have lost the support of many former friends, primarily due to a lack of coordination in the management of our foreign affairs. There are far too many players speaking out on their own on issues that should be the considered view of the government.

Q. So, do you feel that the government has lost credibility?

A. Yes this government has been caught out, by not speaking with one voice on many issues and hence doing damage to its credibility.

Q. What were the significant mistakes made in the past?

A. Former President J.R. Jayewardene made many mistakes during his years as President, but to my mind, a horrendous mistake he made in terms of the country’s interests and security was the creation of a separate Foreign Ministry and its separation from the Defence Ministry. In terms of the problems facing us for the past three decades, it is imperative that there be greater coordination between defence and foreign affairs, it is not stated without reason that Diplomacy is the first line of defence.

Q. What are the shortcomings of the current administration?

A. When this government took office, it did not have anyone in the political leadership who had any knowledge or experience in the management of foreign relations, Prabhakaran had ensured that. The only person who was experienced, knowledgeable and able was the then Foreign Secretary Palihakkara, but he chose early retirement because the neophytes were not prepared to listen to his advice. Our record since is quite pathetic.

Q. Do you feel that the government has acted imprudently in establishing foreign relations?

A. I feel that there is a massive lack of awareness. It is a good thing to befriend China, India and Iran but we need not antagonise others. Why can we not follow a policy of neutrality with the powers in the West? We must maintain relations with them, after all they are among the richest countries in the world and most of our imports and exports depend on them. They operate the World Bank, International Monetary Fund and other donor agencies. We need their assistance to lobby for loans and aid not to mention developing our diplomatic ties.

Q. What were our biggest blunders?

A. The manner in which we related to persons such as the Under Secretary General of the UN John Holmes was downright stupid. A responsible Minister even called him a terrorist in the pay of the LTTE, perhaps the man expected the world to believe him, we had made a hash of the meeting with the US envoy Mark Boucher, who was said to have been well disposed towards this country, and if that was not enough we took on Ann Arbor and Alan Rock amongst others and vilified them. There was no need to do this. Their ‘crime’ was that they raised the matter of HR violations in this country, a fact which cannot be denied. They should have been ‘handled’ with greater circumspection.

Q. How should they have handled the situation?

A. I traveled out with Minister Kadirgamar many times to the West when he doused flames that were enveloping the country; it was at a time when the international community had, as today, put us on the rack over HR violations. In this regard, I wish to refer to two particular incidents, both in Trincomalee, where our Armed Forces were NOT involved but as a result of the Police not arresting the perpetrators who, according to the respected Jaffna University Teachers for Human Rights, were Muslim Home Guards (in the incident involving the French NGO) and a small group of armed men (NOT members of the regular Armed Forces) in the second incident where a group of students were killed, the good name of the brave men of our Armed Forces, to whom this country owes a deep debt of gratitude, has been tarnished.

Q. What have been the de-merits of government backed cover ups?

A. The image of the country has also suffered in the process as a result of some misguided elements seeking to indulge in a short sighted cover-up, jeopardising thousands of jobs of garment workers and of others in this country besides. Apparently we do not seem to have learnt from the infamous Kokadaicholai incident; how could we, when there is no institutional memory and the neophytes who came in to manage our foreign relations and the rest of the new administration, had neither experience nor knowledge of what had gone on before.

Q. So you feel that there was no need for such a step by the government?

A. There is absolutely no doubt that, unlike in Chile of Pinochet or in Argentina, it is not the policy of the government to violate human rights, but, as the US and the EU themselves know, such violations do sometimes happen during a disturbed situation. But, this certainly is no excuse and our troops have not deliberately indulged in HR violations. There was no reason to indulge in any cover-up of something which we were not responsible for, or, to shield anyone and to, in the process, get tarred when the crimes alleged were not committed at the insistence of the government. My thoughts go back to the massacre at Kokadaicholai and the then government’s efforts to shield the perpetrators and the fall out of that crime; the whole country paid for a crime committed by a few.

Q. How can the government brush up its reputation and by extension, that of the country?

A. The government needs on an urgent basis, to change its approach to the management of our foreign affairs and the securing of our national interests. The management of a country’s foreign affairs requires not only a ‘professional’ approach to diplomacy but also a coordinated approach. The management of foreign relations includes the conduct of our relations with foreign countries, international organisations, other international institutions, regional organisations and business corporations. Today, besides bilateral diplomacy there is the emergence of multilateral diplomacy, which is another specialised field. The expansion, scope and substance of diplomacy has enlarged to such an extent that it is most complex and challenging. The mind boggling advancement of communication technology only makes the task at hand of a diplomat more demanding.

Q. What role should the Foreign Ministry play in this new set up?

A. The Foreign Ministry itself would need to be restructured for, after all this time and events, it is the same as it was fifty years ago. The Ministry would be the implementing arm of foreign political relations. This would certainly not be the place to park friends and relations, no ‘Juwanis’ or ‘Haramanis’ could discharge the onerous duties expected of our representatives abroad. In this regard, it appears that many of those appointed to head missions by this government seem to think that our principal function is to look after Sri Lankan residents. Those who appointed them knew nothing better.

Q. How are we viewed by the rest of the world?

A. It is no secret that the country has isolated itself, particularly from the economic and politically powerful West. In this regard, I wish to state that when I requested certain Ministers of this Government to intervene and speak to the President, their common response staggered me; they stated that ‘Foreign Affairs’ was the domain of Minister Bogollagama and that they did not wish to intervene, surely they understand the concept of Cabinet responsibility, or, is it that they opt for the ‘Safe Mode’, whatever it is they must realise that we, the people, have not abdicated and that any portfolio is not a ‘Boodalaya’ of any Minister, we, the people, and generations to come are affected by the actions of any Minister and that we have a legitimate right to concern ourselves with the working of any government, particularly at a time when the watch-dog Opposition is naval gazing and suffering from Epilepsy.

Q. Can you describe an instance when you had to deal with the double standards employed by the international community?

A. Before 1987, there were once 18 resolutions presented to the European Union Parliament against Sri Lanka, regarding HR violations, which were mainly inspired by the Tamil diaspora in England. Nonetheless, we managed to soften these resolutions by admitting our faults and offering explanation. It is more effective by far to befriend them than to hurl accusations. In 1987, India came on board and even when they violated our sovereignty by flying over Jaffna and dropping food supplies, there was no move to condemn them. Indeed, we had to lobby with the assistance of Pakistan and Bangladesh for the release of a statement simply stating ‘concern.’ At that time, many European countries, including France and England had strong economic ties with India and they were not prepared to jeopardise that in favour of us. Till the Indian Peace Keeping Forces (IPKF) left Sri Lanka in 1991, they did nothing against the HR violations committed by the IPKF.

Q. Conversely, can you detail an instance when positive diplomatic ties have benefited Sri Lanka?

A. In 1991, President Premadasa wanted an additional quota for the 200 garment factory programme and requested me to lobby for extra funds. I told him that, given our dismal HR track record; there was little hope of us even getting the ‘roll over’ from the previous year, never mind getting an addition. I insisted that he look at 32 proposals made by Amnesty International and appoint a commission to consider them. Under my instructions, he agreed to do so and they managed to implement 31 proposals. I met up with the Spanish Ambassador while I was lobbying and he led me to understand that if we voted for them to obtain a Non Permanent Seat on the UN Security Council, Sri Lanka would benefit. I called Colombo to find that the Foreign Ministry had already pledged our vote to Sweden and New Zealand. After repeated discussions, President ordered the vote to be changed and Spain was elected by one vote. With the lobbying of the Spanish Ambassador, Sri Lanka was granted a 30% increase for the programme and the President, in particular, was extremely pleased.

Q. How should the Foreign Ministry be changed?

A. The Foreign Ministry should be tasked to build the widest possible network of allies for this country by pursuing a non-aligned foreign policy, particularly in the context of the newly emerging Cold War. By this, I refer to the situation in Georgia and the standpoint of America, which has again strained relations with Russia.

Q. What more should the Foreign Ministry do?

A. Besides international political relations, one would need to follow the international economic situation, the monetary and financial developments, promote educational and cultural exchanges, scientific and technological cooperation, promote trade, investment and tourism and above all, in our situation, keep a tab on the activities of the LTTE abroad and report on maters relating to national security. Conventional diplomacy is today a thing of the past and the wide range of activities (the expansion is both qualitative and quantitative) of a State calls not for one single Minister, even if he be amiable, articulate and presentable as the present incumbent, but it calls ‘for a collegiate approach.’

Q. What are your suggestions?

A. I recommend that a Foreign Affairs High Council be formed with the President in the chair, with Ministers concerned with economic, trade, tourism, foreign investment and finance, along with the Minister in charge of Foreign Political Relations and Secretary Ministry of Defence (given Ministerial rank as is enjoyed by the National Security Advisor in India) to formulate our foreign policy. This High Council should have its own Secretariat to monitor and coordinate implementation of the decisions of the Council. The Secretariat should compose of senior officials with at least ten years experience in the relevant department or Ministry. The Secretary General of such an entity should be a senior, mature, experienced, public official of proven ability. The Secretariat should function under the President himself. This is an imperative in our present perilous situation. I do hope the President would act to set up the Council in his own and the country’s interest.

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